{"id":26538,"date":"2026-01-17T14:16:26","date_gmt":"2026-01-17T19:16:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/?p=26538"},"modified":"2026-01-17T14:34:08","modified_gmt":"2026-01-17T19:34:08","slug":"the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations-imprimis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/index.php\/2026\/01\/17\/the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations-imprimis\/","title":{"rendered":"The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations &#8211; Imprimis"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"alignleft size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"150\" height=\"150\" src=\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/image-16.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-26542\"\/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/imprimis.hillsdale.edu\/the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations\/\">The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations &#8211; Imprimis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/imprimis.hillsdale.edu\/\">Imprimis &#8211; A Publication of Hillsdale College<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>December 2025 | Volume 54, Issue 12<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-center\">The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><a href=\"https:\/\/imprimis.hillsdale.edu\/author\/mackubinthomasowens\/\">Mackubin Thomas Owens<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p>Author,&nbsp;<em>U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations After 9\/11: Renegotiating the Civil\u2013Military Bargain<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/imprimis.hillsdale.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Imprimis_Dec_8pg_12-25web.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download PDF<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>A fundamental element of U.S. civil\u2013military relations is the principle of civilian control of the military. This principle pre-dates the Constitution itself. As Commander in Chief of the Continental Army, George Washington deferred to the Continental Congress, despite the severe disabilities of that body. The Constitution codified the principle of civilian control. Civilian policymakers would establish the goals of security policy and provide the material resources. The military would carry out the policy. If military leaders disagree with aspects of the policy, they can express their differences and make recommendations, but they have no right to insist that their advice be accepted. Civil\u2013military relations are healthiest when there is mutual trust between civilians and the military, leading to a respectful give and take.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Historians of civil\u2013military relations often focus their attention on disputes between civilian policymakers and the military, judging healthy civil\u2013military relations in terms of the number of times that one party or the other has its way. By this metric, the more often the civilians prevail, the healthier civil\u2013military relations are assessed to be\u2014at least until the presidency of Donald Trump.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>During Trump\u2019s first term, he and his military advisors clashed over such issues as our relationship with NATO, U.S. military actions in Afghanistan, intervention in Syria, and the appropriate response to domestic disorder. When his military advisors and Trump disagreed, the former frequently responded with subterfuge to undermine the President\u2019s ability to implement his agenda: \u201cslow rolling\u201d execution, leaking to the press in an effort to undermine public confidence in the decision, or simply ignoring the policy. Bureaucracies have perfected these kinds of responses to policies with which they disagree, and those in the senior ranks of the military are often no different. But under Trump, the military employed these tactics to an unprecedented extent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Some went even further. For example, right after Trump\u2019s first inauguration, Georgetown Law Professor Rosa Brooks\u2014a respected academic and senior Pentagon appointee from 2009 to 2011\u2014wrote in&nbsp;<em>Foreign Policy&nbsp;<\/em>that Trump\u2019s \u201cfirst week as president has made it all too clear [that] he&nbsp;<em>is<\/em>&nbsp;as crazy as everyone feared. [One] possibility is one that until recently I would have said was unthinkable in the United States of America: a military coup, or at least a refusal by military leaders to obey certain orders.\u201d Brooks continued that, for the first time, she could \u201cimagine plausible scenarios in which senior military officials might simply tell the president: \u2018No, sir. We\u2019re not doing that.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>There is a name for this: praetorianism. From the time of Augustus Caesar until Constantine, a corps of soldiers known as the Praetorian Guard protected the Roman emperor. Over time, the Praetorians became the real power in Rome, appointing and deposing emperors at will. In our time, praetorianism has come to mean despotic military rule, something associated with countries in which the army is the real power behind the government. Praetorianism is incompatible with republican government. A modern failed example was the attempted coup against French President Charles de Gaulle in 1961, which arose from a praetorian bent on the part of French officers who sought to depose him over his intention to grant independence to Algeria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Seditious Video?<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p>During his second term, many of Trump\u2019s political enemies have taken up where Rosa Brooks left off. Perhaps the most troubling example occurred recently when six Democrat members of Congress posted a video aimed at service members. The video features U.S. Senators Elissa Slotkin of Michigan and Mark Kelly of Arizona and U.S. Representatives Maggie Goodlander of New Hampshire, Jason Crow of Colorado, and Chris Deluzio and Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania\u2014all of whom are either military veterans or former intelligence officials.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the video, the lawmakers \u201cremind\u201d active members of the military and national security community that they swore to protect and defend the U.S. Constitution. \u201cRight now, the threats to our Constitution aren\u2019t just coming from abroad, but from right here at home,\u201d Deluzio, a former Navy officer, and Crow, a former Army Ranger and paratrooper, say in turn. Kelly, a former Navy Captain, then says, \u201cOur laws are clear: You can refuse illegal orders,\u201d which Slotkin, a former CIA officer, repeats. Crow then adds that military members \u201cmust refuse illegal orders\u201d before the others say, \u201cNo one has to carry out orders that violate the law or our Constitution.\u201d And they all pledge that when service members refuse to carry out illegal orders, \u201cWe have your back.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Of course, regarding unlawful orders, these members of Congress are correct. All service members learn early in their training that they have an affirmative obligation to refuse unlawful orders. But service members do not get to refuse orders because they disagree with the administration\u2019s policies. And this video, at the very least, carelessly blurs the line between these things in a way to undermine trust between civilian policymakers and the military and between seniors and subordinates within the military.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The video was clearly political in nature and is likely to foster confusion within the military ranks. The lawmakers failed to identify any specifics regarding unlawful orders. Nor did they offer examples of the kinds of orders soldiers should refuse to obey. Without context, the phrase \u201crefuse illegal orders\u201d blurs the line between legitimate legal instruction and political signaling. For a system that depends on discipline, clarity, and stability, ambiguity is a real problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The civil\u2013military implications are serious. Civilian control of the military rests on a clear hierarchy. Congress passes laws, the executive directs operations, and the military follows lawful commands. By addressing the troops directly about which orders to follow, the participants in the video disrupt that structure. Military leaders, not legislators, are responsible for issuing guidance to troops on how to evaluate or report questionable orders. The seriousness of the issue is underlined by the fact that the video comes from politicians rather than military authorities. The video draws service members into a political dispute, sowing discord, which is especially dangerous during periods of political tension.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The President and his supporters have called the video seditious. There have been suggestions that at least one of the lawmakers in the video, Senator Kelly, be called back to active duty to face a court-martial. Even some conservative lawyers, such as Jonathan Turley and Andrew McCarthy, have argued that a sedition case would be dismissed immediately, because those on the video were exercising their right to free speech. But one\u2019s right to oppose a policy does not extend to efforts to interfere with those obligated to execute that policy\u2014which is the effect of the video, intended or not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Civil War provides an analogous example. There were many people in the North who disagreed with President Lincoln\u2019s policies. But some northern Democrats, who came to be known as Copperheads, crossed the line from dissent to obstruction of the war effort by interfering with recruitment and encouraging desertion. In 1863, anti-war Ohio Democrat Congressman Clement Vallandigham was arrested and tried by military tribunal for sabotaging the government\u2019s war policies. A group of War Democrats wrote to Lincoln, pledging support for the war, but criticizing the prosecution of Vallandigham \u201cmerely for his words.\u201d Lincoln replied that Vallandigham was encouraging desertion from the army, an act that is punishable by death. \u201cMust I shoot a simple-minded soldier who deserts,\u201d Lincoln asked, \u201cwhile I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert?\u201d There are some important similarities between the actions of the Copperheads and those of the participants in the recent video.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>***<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>When queried, the six lawmakers in the video were unable to identify a single example of an \u201cunlawful order\u201d issued by Trump or his administration. That changed temporarily in late November when&nbsp;<em>The Washington Post&nbsp;<\/em>reported, citing anonymous sources, that Secretary of War Pete Hegseth had ordered an illegal second strike on a drug boat aimed at killing drug traffickers. Accusations of war crimes quickly dissolved, however, as&nbsp;<em>The New York Times<\/em>&nbsp;followed up with a story debunking the&nbsp;<em>Post<\/em>\u2019s account, and Admiral Frank Bradley, who himself ordered the second strike, testified before Congress.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Nonetheless, the question of the legality of military strikes on drug cartels remains a source of the claim that the Trump administration is operating outside the law. Another source for that claim is the administration\u2019s use of military force in cases of domestic disorder. In both cases, Trump\u2019s policies have historical precedents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Domestic Disorder<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p>Trump\u2019s critics claim that deploying National Guard and regular U.S. military forces to enforce the law in American cities violates civil\u2013military norms, is unconstitutional, and is an irresponsible use of the professional military. But while there may be good reasons to limit the use of the U.S. military in domestic affairs, U.S. troops have been so employed since the beginning of our republic. Indeed, the U.S. Army Historical Center has published three 400-page volumes on the use of federal military forces in domestic affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The authority of the president to use force in response to domestic disorder arises from the Constitution itself. Section 4 of Article IV reads: \u201cThe United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The fundamental purpose of a republican government is to protect its citizens\u2019 rights to life, liberty, and property. Although the First Amendment to the Constitution guarantees \u201cthe right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances,\u201d it does not protect riot, arson, and looting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Under Article II of the Constitution, the president, as \u201cCommander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States\u201d\u2014and of the militia when under federal control\u2014has the authority to act against enemies both foreign and domestic. In 1792, Congress passed two laws pursuant to its constitutional power \u201cto provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions\u201d: the Militia Act and the \u201cCalling Forth\u201d Act, which gave the president limited authority to employ the militia in the event of domestic emergencies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 1807, at the behest of President Thomas Jefferson\u2014troubled by his inability to use the regular Army as well as the militia to deal with the Aaron Burr conspiracy to establish an independent country within the U.S.\u2014Congress passed the Insurrection Act. Although intended as a tool for suppressing rebellion when circumstances \u201cmake it impracticable to enforce the laws of the United States in any State or Territory by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings,\u201d it also enabled the Army to enforce federal laws, not only as a separate force, but also as part of a local&nbsp;<em>posse comitatus&nbsp;<\/em>(a group conscripted to enforce the law). Accordingly, troops were often used in the antebellum period to enforce fugitive slave laws and suppress domestic violence. In 1854, President Franklin Pierce\u2019s attorney general, Caleb Cushing, issued an opinion that endorsed the legality of using the Army in a&nbsp;<em>posse comitatus<\/em>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A marshal of the United States, when opposed in the execution of his duty, by unlawful combinations, has authority to summon the entire able-bodied force of his precinct, as a&nbsp;<em>posse comitatus<\/em>. The authority comprehends not only bystanders and other citizens generally, but any and all organized armed forces, whether militia of the state, or officers, soldiers, sailors, and marines of the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Troops were used to suppress domestic violence between pro- and anti-slavery factions in \u201cBloody Kansas,\u201d and federal soldiers and Marines participated in the capture of John Brown at Harpers Ferry in 1859. After the Civil War, the U.S. Army was involved in supporting the Reconstruction governments in the southern states. Presidents invoked the Insurrection Act on five occasions during the 1950s and 1960s to counter resistance to desegregation decrees in the South. And during the Los Angeles riots of 1992, elements of U.S. Army and Marine divisions augmented the California National Guard.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Those who have criticized President Trump for threatening to use the National Guard and possibly the Marines \u201cagainst the will of state governors\u201d might want to consider what happened when some southern governors refused to execute the 1954 Supreme Court mandate to integrate schools. In 1957, Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus deployed his state\u2019s National Guard to defy federal authority by preventing the integration of a high school in Little Rock. President Dwight D. Eisenhower responded by placing the Arkansas National Guard under federal control and deploying soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division to enforce the law. In a letter to Eisenhower, Democrat U.S. Senator Richard Russell of Georgia compared soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division to Hitler\u2019s \u201cstorm troopers,\u201d illustrating that the&nbsp;<em>argumendum ad Hitlerem&nbsp;<\/em>often deployed against Trump is nothing new.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Many today claim that the Posse ComitatusAct of 1878 (PCA) prohibits the use of the military in domestic affairs. But they completely misunderstand that law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the election of 1876, President Ulysses S. Grant deployed Army units as a&nbsp;<em>posse comitatus<\/em>\u2014under the authority of local law enforcement officials\u2014to protect the rights of black citizens and Republicans in general at southern polling places. In that election, Rutherford B. Hayes defeated Samuel Tilden with the disputed electoral votes of South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida. Southerners claimed that the Army had been misused to \u201crig\u201d that election, which led to the passage of the PCA two years later. But the PCA only prohibits federal troops from being placed under lesser authorities than that of the president. It does not constitute a bar to the use of the military in domestic affairs, and it certainly does not limit the president\u2019s authority as Commander in Chief of the U.S. military.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As John Brinkerhoff, an authority on the use of the military in domestic affairs, wrote in 2002: \u201cThe president\u2019s power to use both regulars and militia remained undisturbed by the Posse Comitatus Act.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Drug Trafficking<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p>Trump\u2019s critics charge him with violating both domestic and international law by using the U.S. military to target drug cartels and drug runners, claiming that his actions are unprecedented. But as far back as the Reagan administration in 1986, U.S. Army infantry and aviation assets operated with Bolivian forces against drug producers in that country. And in 1993, President Bill Clinton issued a Presidential Decision Directive on Counternarcotics in the Western Hemisphere, assigning a substantial role in drug interdiction to the military.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The National Defense Authorization Act of 1995 authorized use of military assets in drug interdiction: 14 USC Section 526 authorizes firing on vessels carrying drugs, and 8 USC Section 1189 authorizes the designation of narco-terror groups as Foreign Terrorist Organizations, unlocking powers used by every administration since 9\/11. As for international law, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea authorizes military force against suspected stateless vessels engaged in piracy and slave trafficking, essentially labeling them&nbsp;<em>hostis humani generis<\/em>, meaning enemies of mankind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Trump administration has proceeded in accordance with legal prudence. Admiral Alvin Holsey, Commander of U.S. Southern Command, properly sought legal justification for the strikes on suspected drug boats. Subsequently, the Justice Department Office of Legal Counsel advised the Pentagon that the strikes were legal under both U.S. and international law, that all strikes have been conducted in \u201ccomplete compliance with the law of armed conflict,\u201d and that U.S. troops would not be exposed to prosecution for carrying out the orders. It is legitimate to argue that Trump\u2019s policy regarding these strikes is wrongheaded, but it is not unprecedented. Indeed, his interpretation of what constitutes the boundary of his military authority is historically ordinary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But what about the lack of congressional approval for the use of force against narco-traffickers? In this regard, Trump\u2019s policy is comparable to the Obama administration\u2019s war in Libya and extensive drone attacks, the Biden administration\u2019s attacks on Houthi targets in Yemen, and indeed, going way back, President Jefferson\u2019s attack on the Barbary Pirates. All these were undertaken without congressional approval. Trump\u2019s actions in the Caribbean are well within U.S. political norms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>***<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>I am on record opposing the use of the military in the war on drugs and the normalization of using U.S. forces in domestic law enforcement. But the fact is that President Trump has the constitutional and legal authority to do these things. Any arguments against his policies must be made in terms of prudence, not the Constitution or the law. Also, it should be needless to say\u2014although today, sadly, it isn\u2019t\u2014that opposition to Trump\u2019s policies should be expressed in a way that is careful not to undermine the principle of civilian control of the military that is fundamental to U.S. civil\u2013military relations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/imprimis.hillsdale.edu\/todays-firestorm-and-the-declaration\/\"><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations &#8211; Imprimis Imprimis &#8211; A Publication of Hillsdale College December 2025 | Volume 54, Issue 12 The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations Mackubin Thomas Owens Author,&nbsp;U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations After 9\/11: Renegotiating the Civil\u2013Military Bargain A fundamental element of U.S. civil\u2013military relations is the principle of civilian control&hellip; <br \/> <a class=\"button small blue\" href=\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/index.php\/2026\/01\/17\/the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations-imprimis\/\">Read more<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[145],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-26538","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-government-military-protection"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.2 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations - Imprimis - Earnestly Contend For The Faith Jude 3<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"noindex, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations - Imprimis - Earnestly Contend For The Faith Jude 3\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations &#8211; Imprimis Imprimis &#8211; A Publication of Hillsdale College December 2025 | Volume 54, Issue 12 The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations Mackubin Thomas Owens Author,&nbsp;U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations After 9\/11: Renegotiating the Civil\u2013Military Bargain A fundamental element of U.S. civil\u2013military relations is the principle of civilian control&hellip; Read more\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/index.php\/2026\/01\/17\/the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations-imprimis\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Earnestly Contend For The Faith Jude 3\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/groups\/230380461031046\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-01-17T19:16:26+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-01-17T19:34:08+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/image-16.png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Roger Fulk\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Roger Fulk\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"14 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/index.php\/2026\/01\/17\/the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations-imprimis\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/index.php\/2026\/01\/17\/the-dangers-of-undermining-u-s-civil-military-relations-imprimis\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Roger Fulk\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/awarningministry.com\/#\/schema\/person\/2c3417c2d65df06db0da74c8e9b11990\"},\"headline\":\"The Dangers of Undermining U.S. Civil\u2013Military Relations &#8211; 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